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This is the ninth item from Robert Dymond's book: "Things New and Old Concerning the Parish of Widecombe-in-the-Moor and its Neighbourhood" (1876)

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THE CONTENTS OF THE WIDECOMBE PARISH CHEST

The contents of the old carved oaken chests so frequently to be found in the vestries of our parish churches are generally interesting, and often afford curious insight into the lives and customs of our forefathers. Though Widecombe is not specially rich in this particular, it possesses some archives which merit notice. Next to the parish registers, referred to in another page, the oldest document in the church chest is one endorsed “ The Deed of the Customs,” and dated 20th October, 28 Eliz. (1586). It recites that there had been " divers questions, doubts, discords, And dissensions” moved between the Vicar, Robert Hiche, and the parishioners inhabiting the manors of Dunston, Nottisworthie, Blackadon-pyper, Withycombe, Dewdon, and Spychewyke, about the manner of paying the Vicar’s tithe, and that, for the settlement of these doubts and difficulties, it was agreed between him and the parishioners that the true use and custom of the payment was “for the mylk of kye and the whytfole thereof coming, the mylk of yewes and the whytefole, calves, colts, and hey, is and during memorie of man hath bene, and by creadible reportes hath bene tyme out of mynde, that eny of these inhabitants hath payed, and soe ought to pay, tythes, or money in liewe of tythes, to the vycar of the said vicaredge for the tyme being for things renewing, encreasing, or growing in or upon their tents within the seid mannours and comons belonging to the same in manner and forme ﬁ'ollow- ing._ That is to say, for evY calf too pence, for evY colt oon penny, for evy cowe yerely during too yeres a penny a yere, for evY third yere to paye the tythe whytefole thereof coming, according to the custom and usage, and so contynewallie from tyme to tyme, for evY melche yewe yerelie,:during to yeres, oon farthing a yere, and evy third yere to paye the tythe whyte- fole thereof comyng and so contynewallie from tyme to tyme ” . . . . . . . all which and other rates mentioned in a schedule the vicar agreed to accept. At the end is a list of all the occupiers of tenements, with their payments, varying from two to twelve pence annually, and amounting altogether to about 27 shillings, excluding a few sums which have been at some former time purposely obliterated from the list.

The second document, in order of date, is a grant for a year to John l Baker, of the Church House and Butte Park, at a rent of twenty-four shillings. It is dated, 21st May, 1608. The tenant was to permit the parishioners “to keepe ale once or twice a yere, and to use the said house and butparke att convenient tymes as they have bin accustomed, ” and the tenant was “ to use the chittle, two pans, a trendle and keeves, a brandice, a barrell and cooler and a bynche, and to leve it again unto the said parish as he received it.”

The third document, dated II Charles 1st, appoints new ffeoffees of the “Church howse, and all that close of land called Henhay, alias Butte parke.” An interesting notice of the “ Butte Park,” or Archery practice ground, from the pen of Mr. Worthy, will be found at page 57. The Church House, which is included in the same deed, is obviously of much older date than the 11th year of Charles the ﬁrst, and is probably coeval with the tower of the church. The deed is evidently not the original grant, but is merely for the purpose of transferring the premises from an expiring set of feoffees to a new and younger body for the perpetuation of the trust. The Church House stands by the lych-gate, and forms one side of the square, in the centre of which a yew tree now occupies the site of the village cross. The edifice is of good perpendicular work, and is a remarkably substantial, well-proportioned, and picturesque example of a moorstone building. Along the front is a kind of verandah with slated roof, supported by octagonal monolith pillars of granite, the caps and bases of which are moulded. Besides sheltering the doors and ground ﬂoor windows, this verandah formerly shielded from the weather the occupants of the village stocks, a fragment of which rough and ready instrument of correction still exists. The doorways, windows, chimneys, and interior woodwork, are all original, and present some interesting architectural features.

Down to the time of the enactment of the present Poor Law, the Church House was tenanted by the parish paupers. In the feoffment of 11th Charles I , as well as in subsequent renewal deeds, it is declared that the feoffees shall stand seized of the premises to the use and intent that they shall not demise any part thereof without the consent of the other parishioners householders of the parish, or the more part of them; and that whenever the more part of them should agree that the said house, or the herbage or pasture of the said land, should be demised, the feoffees should let the same to such persons, and on such terms, as the more part of the said parishioners householders should agree upon; and, upon further trust, to employ the rents and proﬁts in such charitable and good uses and deeds as should be agreed upon by the more part of the parishioners householders, either for the reparation of the parish church, amending the highways, relieving the poor, furtherance of the King’s Majesty’s service, or the like. The deed also contains a provision for its renewal when the feoffees are reduced by deaths to three, the new feoffees being appointed by the more part of the parishioners householders.

Then, we have an extract from the will of Sampson Jerman, late of Ashburton, proved 7th February, 1669, by which he gave to the poor of Widecombe ten shillings yearly out of a close called Fowlaford in Ash- burton, “to be all given to one poore body yearely the ﬁrst day of November for ever especially to a poore widdow wooman that hath noe releife.” The ﬁeld charged with this annuity was, in 1826, the property of Sir Lawrence Palk, whose Ashburton estate was sold many years ago. The annuity is still paid to a poor widow selected at a parish meeting, preference being given to such as receive no parochial relief.

An entry in the churchwarden’s accounts mentions also that “there was 3s., given by the last will and testament of John Wills, to be distributed in white bread on Good fryday to ye poor.” The Charity Commissioners reported, in 1826, that this annuity is charged on an estate called Beares, in the parish of Lidford then belonging to Mr. John French, and that the payment had fallen into arrear from 1800. It appeared, however, that this had not arisen from any default on the part of Mr. French, but from the neglect of the overseers in collecting. We are informed that this annuity has again been suffered to fall into arrear, and that no such distribution of bread has been made on any recent Good Friday.

The ‘fourth document, dated 22nd November, 1684, is a. lease of a Cottage and an acre of land (Lady Meadow) adjoining to “our Lady- howse ” on the north side thereof.

This deed is made between John Hamlyn of Ashburton husbandman, of the one part, and Francis Hamlyn gentleman and Stephen Townsend, yeoman, both of Widecombe of the other part. It recites that Robert Hamlyn the elder, of Widecombe, yeoman, deceased, had, by his deed, dated 10th April, 1e Charlles 1 (1638), demised unto Richard Hamlyn, of Widecombe, husbandman, and Marrian, his wife, and to Nicholas and John their sons, “all that cottage, or tenement, in the said parish of Widecombe, in the occupation of one Gregory Torr, and all herb gardens and herbary roomes thereunto belonging (excepting one of the same herbary roomes lying on the north side of our Lady-howse), and also one acre of land lying adjoining to the north side of our Lady-howse aforesaid, to have and to hold for the lives of the said Marrian, Nicholas, and John Hamlyn, at the yearly rent of 12s. ;” and witnessing that the said John Hamlyn [the survivor] in consideration of a payment of £10 2s. 6d., assigns the premises to the said F. Hamlyn and S. Townsend, to have and to hold for the residue of the said John Hamlyn’s life. John Hamlyn signs by a mark, and his seal appendant bears a device like a three masted ship. By an endorsed memorandum, dated 24 June, 1686, F. Hamlyn and S. Townsend surrendered the lease to John Furseland, gentleman, and Richard and John Smerdon.

The Lady House and Lady-land, or meadow, which had probably been parish property from an unknown date, are situated in the hamlet of Dunstone, on the west side of the highway leading from Widecombe to Ponsworthy, and are subject to a chief rent of sixpence, still annually Paid to the Lord of the Manor of Dunstone.

The four other deeds are grants of the Lady House, Lady Meadow, the Church House and Butte Parke to new feoffees, the last bearing date 2nd January, 1759.

This appears to have been the latest renewal of the trust deed of the parish lands, and it may be worth while for the parishioners to consider the propriety of repairing their forefathers’ default through the powers of the Charity Commission.

The ancient churchwardens’ accounts in parishes near Widecombe afford curious glimpses of the manner of life on the Moor, when wheeled vehicles of any kind were unknown, and when even the sturdy pack-horse could with difficulty traverse the rough and overgrown tracks which our ancestors were pleased to call roads. The Rev. J. Butcher, of Ashburton, has done excellent historical service by editing the accounts of that parish, which are in an exceptional state of preservation from an early date. Unfortunately those of Widecombe before 1700 are not to be found in the church chest. The parish was then much more extensive than now, stretching into “the Forest,” and including Runnage, Brimpts, Huckaby, Bellaford, Dunnabridge, Prince Hall, Lafter Hole (we give the old spelling) and other parts of the large district beyond the Wallabrook, since attached to Lydford. The accounts will repay a careful study, and be found especially interesting to those who are familiar with local names of persons and places.

There are numerous entries of sums expended for the relief of the poor, some of whom were lodged in the “Church House.” Thus, Dr. Ball received £8 “ for curing of Dorothy ffrench’s legg, and keeping the same sound from any more costs and charges.” The doctor does not appear to have fulfilled his contract, and had to return £4 “because he did not p’fect and continue the cure according to his promise.” Dorothy continued to be a charge on the parish till 1708, when 3s. was paid “for laying of her foorth, and affidavit, and joerny to make it;” 9s. for her coﬁin, 1s. for making her grave, and 10d. for “some woll to put about her in the coffin.

The entries afford many other curious particulars of the cost of garments and other articles provided for the use of the poor. At the beginning of the last century “ a shirt’s cloth and making ” was set down at 3s., a pair of stockings at 1s 4d., and a pair of shoes at 3s. 4d. Three-and-a-half yards of wool cloth for a coat and breeches cost 10s. 6d. The charge for making the coat was ls. 6d., and for making the breeches 6d. In 1704 a pair of “leatherne breeches” for a pauper boy came to one shilling. In 1714, Grace Brockedon, who appears to have acted as a nurse for other paupers, was provided, at an expense of 1s. 6d., with “2 yards of shag for an inner wastcote.” In 1701, a coffin, for Anna French, cost 9s., her shroud 5s , her burial expenses 5s., besides Is. for making her grave, and 4s. for the king’s duty on the burial. This last mentioned tax appears on each occasion of a funeral at this period. In 1703, Richard Langworthy and George Wickett received 5s. for two days expenses in “ riding to Sir George Chudleigh’s [at Ashton, near Chudleigh] when the oﬁicers of the p’ish were summoned there about the settlement of Henry Warren," a pauper. By an entry in the following year, it appears that “there is ﬁve shillings given to the poore by the Conb’ll [parish constable] Hugh Smer- don, which he received for taking up of a wandering fellow. And ten shillings more, which he gives to the poore. which he is to have of Francis Candish, for abusing him when he was executing his office, and other misdemenours.” Amongst the payments of 1714 was one of a shilling, “for warrants to sommon forth sevrall p’sons before ye Justices to show cause why they would not take apprentices.” It may not be superﬂuous to remind the generation that has arisen since the enactment of the present poor laws, that the taking of agricultural apprentices was formerly made compulsory on farmers. In 1715, there was “paid Jo; Smerdon, for going to doctor Westaway with his brother Richard to see whare [whether] he weare Cureable or no for his eyes, 1s. 6d.” In 1718, one Shaddick and his family were supplied with a cheese and two pecks of barley, costing 1s. 10d., a peck of wheat, l0d., and “a loane [loin] of mutton and one chabbich [cabbage ?] 8 1/2d.” The members of this indigent family appear to have been large consumers of peeks of barley and wheat, and to have been the subject of much expensive litigation with the parish of South Molton as to their place of settlement. The following curious entry, in 1719, refers to the penal measures then adopted for the eradication of one of the bad habits for which Britons were notorious at that time, but which has, happily, declined greatly during the past half century; “ Received of John Stitson two shillings, being Convicted for prophane swearing of an Oath, and distributed to the poor.” And again, “ Received of John Nosworthy one pound and two shillings, being Convicted for swearing of Eleven Oaths, and distributed to the poore.” This delinquent also paid “ twenty shillings for selling of Liquors without License." These sums were dispensed in half-crowns to 17 poor persons. In the same year is an account of several disbursements “ for one William Collings, a poore man of Sheepstow [Sheepstor] which was found in a collier’s cabbin, in Spitchweek wood, very sick and Redy to perish, viz.: In expenses to bring him from the wood to Poundsgate, 1s. Paid John Beard to rid to Sheepstor to give ye Parish notis of it, 1s. Paid for a warrant for the officers of Sheepstor to approve before Justis Beale to shew cause why they did not take care for him, and for feching the warant, 1s. Two men, for riding to Sheepstor with the warant and to speake with Justis Elford, by Mr. Beale orders, 3s.” In 1772, there was “ paid for a warant to warne those p’sons that wached by ye water side to keep out ye ships that come beyond sea whare ye plage was, 10s. 1 1/2d.” In 1728 occurs the following inventory of the goods of Susan Quint, a deceased pauper: “ The house hold goods that Susan Quint left att her Decease is such as is hereafter mention’d, viz. One Iron Crock, pott crook and boiler. One little box. Two Clomen Dishes. Two Spoones, one little Clomen pann and 1 washing Tubb besides a bedstead, mett and cords, ffeather pillow and Coverlatt.” In 1730 there was paid to “Thos. Cooksley, an Apothecary, of Ashburton, ffor his trouble of journeyes, and for Physickall Lyquour and plaisters, &c., for Mary Knight, in all, as appears by the particulars, £1 5s. 6d.” The following, dated 1734, is an illustration of the old practice of leaving dead bodies on the spot where they were found until the coroner had " sat upon ” them : “ An accompt of our Disbursements concerning Thomas Greep. Paid for the Coroner’s fee, 13s. 4d. Paid John Smerdon, of Rowdon, for Riding to Exeter to fetch the Coroner, 5s. Paid in expenses at Widecombe Town when the Coroner was here, 3s. Paid in expenses when Thomas Greep’s goods was sold, ls. 6d. Paid for two men to watch by Tho: Greep after he was found dead, for two days, each man 1s. per day, comes to 4s. And for three men to watch by him by night for two nights time, at 1s. 6d each man, comes to 9s. Paid Roger Hannaford for two seames of wood which was burnt by the watchmen, and for the straw made use of by the watchmen, 1s. 6d.” A similar case of watching over one of the victims said to be annually claimed by the river Dart occurs in 1747, and is recorded as follows: “The account of our Disbursements concerning John Weeks, a man that was Drowned in West dart and found to ye charges of our P’ish. Paid four men to watch by him ye ﬁrst night after he was found Dead 1s. and 6d. each man, 6s. And for three men ye second night, 4s. 6d. And for two, men two days each, at 1s. per man each day, 4s. Paid the Coroner (of Lidford) his ffee, 13s. 4d. Paid John Elliott for himself and his horse to go to Lidford to acquaint him of how he came to his end, 2s. 6d. John Potter, for carrying out ye Bier and for his grave, 2s. Expended at his Buriall, 6s. And to William Norrish ye younger, for wood ye watchmen cut down and burnt in ye time of their watching, 1s. 6d." A case of medical treatment, occurring at intervals between 1738 and 1742, is thus entered: “Paid Mr. Cumming, of Staverton, for his Labour and Physic for John Potter according to ye agreement which was made with him in that case by ye consent of ye p’ishioners at a p’ish meetting, 10s. 5d. Paid to severall men which were employed by us to hold John Potter at sevrall times this year, when he had ye convultion ﬁtts, to p’vent him from hurting himselfe or others, which otherwise its likely he would have done, in all 7s. 6d. Paid Mr. John Cummings, of Staverton, for cureing of John Potter of the Convultions according to ye agreement made at a p’sh meeting, ye sum of 10s. 6d.” Finally in 1742, there was “paid to Mr. Cumming for a bottle of Liquor for John Potter this year when he was like to be had in ﬁts again, 3s.” Of the administration of justice we have the following instance in 1738: “ Paid to ye Constables and Guardsmen for taking, keeping and carrying of Richard Brooking, first before ye Justice and afterwards to Bridwell, who was accused for fellony.” The total of £1 3s. includes the expensse of constables and guards, and their horses, in taking the culprit to the magistrates, and afterwards to Exeter. Brooking appears to have had a short -term of imprisonment on this occasion, but, in 1741, he was again in trouble, as we find payments “to the Constables and Guardsmen for carrying Richard Brooking to Justice and from thence to the High Gaol, being then accused and afterwards convicted for felony as ffolloweth ; Paid at John Ashford’s, at Denbury, for a supper a[n]d beer for six persons and for our lodging, being not able to speak with Justice Taylor soon enough to carry him further that night, 6s. 6d. And for keeping six horses the same night, 8d. each.” Amongst the expenses in Brooking’s case we ﬁnd a payment of 1s. “ to the Governour of the Gaol for a receipt for his body.” and one of 8s. to “ James Townsend to go to Exeter at the Assizes and to tarry there four days to lay against Brooking, being bound thereto by Justice Taylor, at 2s. per day.” In 1742, we have “ an accompt of the charge Widecombe p’ish hath been att about Solomon Dinn, which died out at Dunna Bridge pown [pound] in Henry Hannaford’s House, as followeth. Paid for laying him fforth and makeing affadavit, 3s, And for making the coffin, 6s. 6d., for bringing in the corpts, 4s. And for makeing the grave, 1s. Paid to Richard Leaman and Abraham Kivell for goeing out to Dunnabridge pown in order to remove him, but when they came out they could not carry him because he was so bad, 2s. Paid to Henry Hannaford for his Diett and attending of him in his sickness, 6s. 6d.” Amongst the disbursements of 1749 are the following, on account of one Elizabeth Sommet, who was taken violently sick at Sweaton : Four people to watch by her in the first night at 6d. each. Two men next day, “ she being very unruly and out of her sences,” 2s. For candle light burned by her continually, and for attendance, “ she being so unruly that one person could not master her, 4s. For a peck of barley and breast of mutton for her when she went off from Sweaton and went to Jordan Mills, 1s." From 1750 the doctor contracted to attend the poor at an annual charge of £2 12s. 6d. In the same year we ﬁnd a payment to “ Twelve Travellers that were taken prisoners by the Turks and redeemed again, and came on shore on the east part of England, and had a certiﬁcate under severall justices’ hands to travell towards their own homes, and be relieved by every parish as they passed through the same, 2s. 6d.” In 1751, Mr. John Dunning, of Ashburton, father of the ﬁrst Lord Ashburton, was employed as an attorney by the parish in reference to a presentment of the highways. From his bill, amounting altogether to £3 8s., the following items may be quoted for the ediﬁcation of members of his profession in the present day : “ Drawing brief and fair copy for Counsel, 10s 6d. To Mr. Jeffrey [counsel] with Brief, 10s. 6d. Attending Sessions and Counsel two days myself and clerk at 13s. 4d. per day.”

There was frequent litigation with other parishes as to the liability to maintain paupers, and ten shillings appears to have been Ihe ordinary fee to counsellors for pleading at the Sessions on these occasions. In Queen Anne’s time there are frequent entries of payments of four shillings for the duty on interments, besides the like sum for the affidavit then required that every corpse brought for burial was wrapped in home-grown sheep's wool only. There is an annual record of the bestowal of the ten shillings bequeathed by Samuel Jerman to poor widows, and of three shillings given by the will of John Wills for distribution in “ whitebread on Good Frydays to ye poor.” The poor receiving relief had to wear badges made of a cloth called “red shag,” and sewn to their garments. The accounts after 1718 contain annual entries of payments of rewards for killing foxes and badgers, and the amount was regulated by the following memorandum :-—

“It was agreed upon on Easter Munday, in the year 1736, by all the parishioners that were present, that whatsoever foxes are hereafter taken or killed within this parish are to be brought to the churchtown and hung up at the parish tree; and that no fox shall at any time or times hereafter be paid for killing thereof by any officer whatsoever, unless they shall he brought and hung up to the tree as aforesaid; and all such foxes as are thus brought and hung up as aforesaid there shall be paid ﬁve shillings for every fox and vixen that are able to take prey for themselves, and two shillings and sixpence for every young cubb that cannot take prey for themselves; and to take the money out of the Poor Rates.”

Dead badgers were assessed at one shilling each at ﬁrst, but the reward was afterwards doubled. Midland sportsmen will be horriﬁed to hear that these rewards continued to be paid till about seven years ago, and were only discontinued because the parishioners were imposed upon by people bringing in foxes killed in other parishes to claim the rewards offered in Widecombe.